CHAPTER ONE Ideology and Party
It was only natural that the new movement could hope to assume the necessary importance and obtain the strength required for its gigantic struggle if, from the outset, it succeeded in awakening in the souls of its supporters the sacred conviction that this movement did not mean imposing a new electoral slogan on political life, but rather making a new ideological conception of capital significance predominate.
One must consider how poor the points of view are from which the so-called “political programs” generally emanate, and how they are dressed up from time to time in new garb. It is always the same and invariable motive that induces the formulation of new programs or the modification of existing ones: concern for the outcome of the next election. Committees are convened to “review” the old program and draft a “new” one, promising each its own. The peasant is offered opportunities for his agriculture; the industrialist, for his manufacturing; the consumer, purchasing facilities; school teachers will receive a salary increase; civil servants will receive improved pensions; widows and orphans will enjoy state aid on a superlative scale; traffic will be encouraged; tariffs will be considerably reduced; even taxes will be practically abolished.
With these preparations in mind, and trusting in God and the proverbial stupidity of the electorate, the parties began their campaign for the so-called “renewal” of the Reich.
After the elections, the “representative of the people,” elected for a five-year term, heads to Congress every morning and makes it at least as far as the antechamber where he finds the attendance list. Sacrificing himself for the well-being of the people, he inscribes his illustrious name there and, in return, receives the well-deserved allowance he is entitled to as insignificant compensation for his continued and exhausting work.
At the end of the fourth year of their mandate, or at other critical times, but especially when the date of the dissolution of the Cortes approaches, an unusual impulse suddenly invades the deputies, and the parliamentary caterpillars emerge, like butterflies from their chrysalis, to fly to the bosom of the “beloved” people. They once again address their constituents, telling them of their exhausting labors and the malevolent stubbornness of their adversaries. Given the granite-like stupidity of our humanity, this success should not surprise us. Guided by their press and deluded by the seduction of the new program, the electoral flock, both “bourgeois” and “proletarian,” returns to the common stable to re-elect their former frauds.
Nothing more disappointing than observing this whole process in its naked reality!
The political struggle in all parties that claim to be bourgeois in orientation is, in fact, reduced to the sole dispute over parliamentary seats, while convictions and principles are thrown overboard like sacks of ballast; political programs are, of course, adapted to this state of affairs. These parties lack that magnetic attraction that always draws the masses together under the dominant impression of broad views and the persuasive force of unconditional faith and fanatical courage to fight for them.
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Before I discuss the problems and objectives of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party, I would like to clarify the concept of “Völkish” (racist) and its relationship to our movement.
The concept of “völkish” is open to flexible interpretation and is unlimited, as is the case, for example, with the term “religiös” (religious). The concept of “völkish” also contains certain fundamental truths which, although of the most eminent importance, are nevertheless so vague in form that they take on a value greater than that of a simple, more or less authoritative opinion when they are embedded as basic elements within the framework of a political party. The realization of aspirations of ideological conception and also of the postulates derived from them are not the result of pure sensitivity or of the
The sole desire of man, just as V. Gr. does not achieve freedom, is the fruit of the general longing for it.
Every ideological conception, however just and useful it may be for humanity, will remain practically worthless in the life of a people, as long as its principles have not become the shield of a movement of action, which in turn will remain a party, as long as it has not crowned its work with the victory of its ideas and as long as its party dogmas do not constitute the basic laws of the State within the community of the people.
To the abstract representation of a fundamentally correct idea, provided by the theorist, must be added the practical experience of the politician. The researcher of truth must be complemented by an expert in the psyche of the people in order to extract and shape from the depths of eternal truth and the ideal what is humanly possible for the mere mortal. From the bosom of millions of men, where the individual divines with more or less clarity the proclaimed truths and perhaps, if even partially, learns them, will emerge the man who with apodictic energy will form from the wavering conceptions of the great masses granite principles for whose exclusive truth he will fight until from the billowing sea of a world free of ideas emerges the rock of a common, unitary sentiment of faith and will.
The universal right to act in this way is based on necessity, whereas in the case of individual right, it is success that justifies the action in that case.
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The current political conception today is generally based on the erroneous belief that, although the State can be attributed creative and culturally shaping energies, it, in turn, has nothing in common with racial premises, but could rather be considered a product of economic needs or, at best, the natural result of the play of political forces. This criterion, developed logically and consequently, leads not only to the ignorance of the primordial energies of the race, but also to a deficient appreciation of the person, since the denial of the diversity of races, with respect to their culturally generating capacities, makes that
A capital error must necessarily also influence the individual’s assessment. Accepting the hypothesis of racial equality would mean proclaiming the equality of peoples and, consequently, of individuals.
According to this, international Marxism is nothing more than a long-existing notion, to which the Jew Karl Marx gave the form of a definite profession of political faith. Without the prior existence of this general poisoning, the astonishing political success of this doctrine would never have been possible. Karl Marx was, among millions, truly the only one who, with his prophetic vision, discovered in the mire of a gradually debased humanity the essential elements of social poison, and knew how to unite them, like a genius of black magic, in a concentrated solution in order to be able to destroy with greater speed the independent life of the sovereign nations of the world. And all this, in the service of his own race.
In contrast to this conception, national-racist ideology sees the value of humanity in its original racial elements. In principle, it considers the State only as a means to a specific end, the objective of which is the racial preservation of humanity. In no way, therefore, does it believe in the equality of races; on the contrary, by admitting their diversity, it also recognizes the qualitative differences between them. This persuasion of truth compels it to promote the preponderance of the strongest and demand the subordination of the inferior and the weak, in accordance with the inexorable will that dominates the universe. Ultimately, it thus pays homage to the aristocratic principle of Nature and believes in the self-evident nature of this law, even in the case of the least rational beings. Racist ideology distinguishes values not only between races but also between individuals. It is the merit of the individual that, for it, stands out from the masses as a whole, thus acting, in contrast to the dissociative work of Marxism, as an organizing force. He believes in the need for an idealization of humanity as a precondition for its existence. But he denies the rationale for an ethical idea if, racially, it constitutes a danger to the life of peoples with a higher ethic. In a bastardized or mixed-race world, any notion of what is beautiful and dignified in humankind, as well as any idea of a better future for humanity, would be destined to disappear forever.
Human culture and civilization are inseparably linked to the idea of the existence of the Aryan man. His disappearance or decline would plunge the globe back into the darkness of an age of barbarism. The undermining of human culture through the extermination of its representatives is, in the conception of racist ideology, the most heinous crime.
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The systematic concretization of an ideology can never be achieved on any basis other than a precise definition of the same, taking into account that what dogmas represent for religious faith are political principles for a party in formation.
Therefore, it is essential to provide racist ideology with an instrument that enables its propagation, similar to the way in which the organization of the Marxist party paves the way for internationalism.
This is the goal pursued by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party.
Personally, I saw my mission as the task of extracting from the broad and formless body of a general ideological conception the substantial elements and giving them more or less dogmatic forms, so that, due to their clear precision, they lend themselves to uniting those who swear by the idea. In other words: The National Socialist German Workers’ Party draws from the foundation of the basic idea of a general racist conception the essential elements and, without losing sight of practical reality, the times we live in, and the existing human material, as well as its inherent weaknesses, forms a profession of political faith, which, in turn, can make the cohesion of the broad, rigidly organized masses the precondition for the victorious manifestation of racist ideology.
